Euro Crisis Worsening

The Spanish predicament is even worse as the new regime comes into force. The conservative government of Mariano Rajoy is grappling with a budget deficit last year of 8.5%, well above the pact’s ceiling of 3%, making it virtually impossible to get the deficit down to the target of 4.4% this year.

New economic data once again underlined the scale of the economic downturn facing the eurozone: unemployment jumped to a record high of 10.7% in January, with some 185,000 more workers losing their jobs in the 17-country single currency bloc.

Manufacturing figures, meanwhile, showed activity shrinking for the seventh consecutive month. In Greece, which needs to stabilise its economy to conform to the terms of its latest bailout, manufacturing shrank at its fastest pace since the Markit PMI survey started in 1999 and now stands at a record low.

Senior European officials and diplomats in Brussels, who are now assuming that the left will win France’s presidential election in May, ousting Nicolas Sarkozy, predict that the anti-austerity rebellion will intensify. They believe a probable new administration in Paris will push more expansionary policies in the eurozone’s second-biggest economy.

In the Netherlands, too, there are growing calls for the terms of the fiscal pact to be ignored – most notably the 3% budget deficit limit. The official Dutch economics analysis office predicted budget deficits of 4.5%, 4.1%, and 3.3% for the next three years, all in breach of the new rules, presenting a dilemma for the minority coalition of liberals and Christian Democrats.

(Source: Guardian)

Michael Hudson: Greek crisis used to find out how far finance can drive down wages and privatize

Vice Guide To Belfast Part 4


After the march, we head over to the Catholic area of Ardoyne, and and see tensions are running high. The police are here, in full riot gear. With angry citizens and a massive police presence, we wonder how this will end…

Vice Guide To Belfast Part 3


It’s the day of the July 12th parade, and everyone’s celebrating.

Vice Guide To Belfast Part 2


On the eve of the parade, we further explore the divide between the Protestant and Catholics in the Belfast community. We discovered that both sides share a commonality: the involvement from the youth.

Vice Guide To Belfast Part 1

VICE headed over to Belfast, in the lead up to this year’s Twelfth parade, and tensions were running higher than any period in recent memory: It was only a few months since a 25-year-old Catholic police officer was murdered by dissident republicans (to dissuade others from joining the force) and just weeks after altercations between nationalists and unionists in east Belfast ended in riots and multiple shootings, including a cameraman. What better time to explore Belfast and marinate in the divisive hate?

Rioting in the streets of Belfast, Ireland 1989

If the eurozone crisis intensifies, then it is no idle fantasy to imagine that Angela Merkel, Nicolas Sarkozy and their Brussels allies will demand an even greater centralisation of powers

If the eurozone crisis intensifies, then it is no idle fantasy to imagine that Angela Merkel, Nicolas Sarkozy and their Brussels allies will demand an even greater centralisation of powers

Bloody Sunday (IrishDomhnach na Fola)—sometimes called the Bogside Massacre—was an incident on 30 January 1972 in the Bogside area of DerryNorthern Ireland, in which twenty-six unarmed civil-rights protesters and bystanders were shot by soldiers of the British Army. Thirteen males, seven of whom were teenagers, died immediately or soon after, while the death of another man four-and-a-half months later was attributed to the injuries he received on that day. Two protesters were also injured when they were run down by army vehicles. Five of those wounded were shot in the back. The incident occurred during a Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association march; the soldiers involved were members of the First Battalion of the Parachute Regiment (1 Para).

Two investigations have been held by the British government. The Widgery Tribunal, held in the immediate aftermath of the event, largely cleared the soldiers and British authorities of blame—Widgery described the soldiers’ shooting as “bordering on the reckless”—but was criticised as a “whitewash”, including by Jonathan Powell. The Saville Inquiry, chaired by Lord Saville of Newdigate, was established in 1998 to reinvestigate the events. Following a twelve-year inquiry, Saville’s report was made public on 15 June 2010, and contained findings of fault that could re-open the controversy, and potentially lead to criminal investigations for some soldiers involved in the killings. The report found that all of those shot were unarmed, and that the killings were both “unjustified and unjustifiable.” On the publication of the Saville report the British prime minister, David Cameron, made a formal apology on behalf of the United Kingdom.

This video shows a Provisional IRA active-service unit of the South Armagh Brigade carry out an attack on a British Army Lynx helciopter using a DShK anti-aircraft gun, an M60 and some other smaller rifles. The attack took place in Crossmaglen in 1991.

A message released to the press by the PIRA in 1992

Remember that scene in the 1980s hit movie Crocodile Dundee when Paul Hogan’s character and his girlfriend become the victims of muggers in New York City. One of the gang members threatens Hogan and his new squeeze with a blade while he demands money from the couple. In response Hogan shakes his head and tells the young man in front of him: “That’s not a knife”. The Australian then pulls out a massive machete to make his point informing the muggers: “Now this is a knife”, and the-would be robbers flee in terror.

The “that’s not a knife” moment comes to mind whenever you compare and contrast rioting in the UK this summer. No one would denigrate the serious nature of the disorder that rocked a number of English cities in August. Think of the three young men mowed down by a hit and run driver while guarding a petrol station in Birmingham’s Dudley Road.

Amid this tragedy came one of the most moving and courageous moments of the year when the father of two of the victims spoke out in favour of inter-communal peace, pleading that there be no more deaths in his city after his sons. Nor should anyone underestimate the mortal danger some of those innocent bystanders caught up in the riots found themselves in, such as the young Polish shop assistant leaping from the flames of a blazing south London building.

However, the rioting, looting, vandalism and assaults from Croydon to Manchester should be placed in some context. A few weeks earlier across the Irish sea, riots erupted firstly in east Belfast and later in the north of the city.

The first of these conflagrations in June involved the loyalist terror group the Ulster Volunteer Force which organised hundreds of rioters, at one stage even temporarily “invading” a small Catholic enclave, the Short Strand. Residents in the nationalist district later told the Guardian that their streets were attacked on two different fronts with sub-military style precision and that many feared for their lives.

Over the next few days the Police Service of Northern Ireland formed a security cordon between the loyalists and the Short Strand with riot police officers coming under constant bombardment with petrol bombs, fireworks, pipe bombs and at one stage gunshots which left a press photographer wounded.

Just over a fortnight later, once the trouble in east Belfast subsided, the action switched to one of the most unstable sectarian interfaces in the north of the city. In what has become an annual event, republican youths from the Ardoyne district rioted for hours on 12 July in protest against a decision to allow a small band of loyalists and Orangemen to pass by their area before joining the main Orange parade in central Belfast.

The rioting at Ardoyne also involved dozens of molotov cocktails being thrown alongside every conceivable piece of debris the violent protestors could dig up around them. Given the accuracy of the masonry and missiles being directed at the police lines you could have been forgiven for thinking that some of the Ardoyne rioters would be ideal candidates for the javelin, discus and shot put teams of the British Olympic team for London 2012 … if of course they were ever prepared to join any entity with the word “British” in it.

One scene stood out during the hours spent hemmed up against the walls of Holy Cross church on Crumlin Road, petrol bombs exploding at our feet, heads constantly bobbing and weaving to avoid the bricks and stones.

One rioter, camouflaged in the ubiquitous uniform of hoodie and football scarf, zigzagged through a hail of plastic bullets to attack a giant white painted water cannon. The youth had a bread knife in his hand and once up beside the vehicle, oblivious to the jets of water directed at him, started to hack away at the tyres.

A phalanx of other rioters gave him “cover” by thrusting forward towards the police lines and hurling rocks at the heavily armed officers. The hooded vandal eventually managed to pierce through the rubber and disabled the water cannon which had to be taken away and replaced later by another. Despite several attempts to arrest him the youth with the knife was able to melt back into the mob at the mouth of Brompton Park.

It is fair to say that the brazen rioter in the hoodie is part of a sub-culture in Northern Ireland that is partly addicted to what is called “recreational rioting” – a social phenomena that is as nihilistic and undirected as the violence and the vandalism that tore through England this summer.

However, not all of those engaged in street disorder such as that which took place at Ardoyne are motivated entirely by nihilism or boredom. They are also fired by sectarian hatred for the other side, historic hatred of the police and, dare we say it, recalcitrant republican ideology.

The crucial difference between the hoodie stabbing at the water cannon’s tyres and the hoodie leaping out of a smashed up Dixons store in Manchester with a DVD player under his arm is that there is more of a political motive to the former.

Like it or not, the tyre-slasher on the Crumlin Road had nothing to gain from his bid to vandalise a heavily armoured police vehicle while dodging plastic bullets and jets of water. Depressing as it sounds, he is a much more formidable problem the state has to deal with in the long term and one whose numbers will grow as the recession deepens and the simplistic mantras of the republican dissidents become more attractive.

In this resume of the violent scenes at the Ardoyne shops last July the key words are “water cannon” and “plastic bullets”. The House of Commons home affairs select committee this week added its voice to those opposed to the deployment of these anti-riot weapons in Britain.

MPs pledged to block any moves by the government to introduce them on to English streets in the event of a repeat of the August riots. That only underlines once again the view held on this side of the sea that there is one law for English, Welsh and Scottish subjects and another for those in Northern Ireland regardless of which part of the sectarian divide they grew up on.

No parliamentary committees or commissions are likely to recommend withdrawing water cannon and plastic baton rounds from the streets of Belfast or Derry despite the later weapon being responsible for the deaths of 17 people since 1969, of whom eight were children.

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Gerrymandering was one of the reasons the violence in Northern Ireland (my home country) kicked off back in the 50s-70s. Not a major reason, but it was a factor.
The east part of N.Ireland is mainly Protestant (Unionist), the west part mainly Catholic (Irish Republican) and after every election the Unionist controlled government would carve up the west parts to ensure they would always have the control and maximise Unionist winners. Even down to carving up streets of Catholics, some of the infamous examples would be half a street was this district, the other the other. For no good reason.

If its for change in population locations, fine.
If its for anything else, its scumbag.

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happyhippy, SA